In last week’s local elections, Reform UK won over 1,400 local council seats in England and took control of 14 councils. The right-wing populist party came second in the parliamentary election in Wales behind Plaid Cymru, with the Labour Party trailing in third place. Reform UK also tied for second in Scotland with Labour, behind the Scottish National Party. Its projected national share of the vote, according to the BBC, stands at 26%. (The Green Party also made strong gains, signalling a major upheaval in the traditional party battlegrounds across the home nations).
Whilst it may be 3 years until the next general election, Reform UK has undoubted momentum. As some in the Labour Party threaten to oust their leader and Prime Minister, Reform UK boasts leadership stability – at least for the timebeing. If a general election were held today, Electoral Calculus forecasts that Reform UK would become the largest party in a hung parliament. The UK’s higher education sector should take note.
What are Reform UK’s higher education policies?
Light in number, and usually also on detail, Reform UK’s higher education policies (from their 2024 manifesto onwards) are centred on four themes.
1. Greater restrictions on student visas and immigration routes
Reform UK is likely to squeeze post-study work rights for international graduates harder, with tightened restrictions on how many can stay on after study. Only those with ‘essential skills’ would be permitted. Dependants of international students on taught Master’s programmes are already prevented from securing visas. This policy will likely be reinforced and extended by a Reform UK government.
2. Structural changes to university portfolios
Reform UK leader, Nigel Farage, has proposed removing tuition fees for STEM degrees, whilst retaining them for arts and humanities degrees. The party’s higher education spokesperson, Suella Braverman, has criticised ‘Mickey Mouse courses’ and ‘worthless degrees’. The party favours a focus on vocational training for young people. It has also promoted the idea of two-year degree programmes. A focus on academic merit and value-for-money is heralded.
Universities should take note
3. Other funding changes
Further restrictions on foreign nationals taking student loans are promised. This means that anyone who is not a British citizen will be unable to gain access, regardless of how long they have been in the UK and their residential status. At the same time, student loan interest will be scrapped, and the loan period lengthened to 45 years (from 30). Tuition fee debt for NHS staff with over 10 years of service will be written off.
4. Upholding free speech whilst pushing out Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) policies
Universities which undermine free speech will have their funding cut. Reform UK’s approach to DEI is well-known, having already been rehearsed with councils they already controlled prior to May 2026.
How should universities respond?
Hoping that Reform UK does not get into power is an option but is not recommended. For those inside universities who think that a Reform UK government is possible (which it definitely is) then joining a rival campaign to help defeat them may be a proactive route to consider.
But a pragmatic stance for university decision-makers and their representative bodies might actually be to engage with the party. Whilst there is an evident lack of substance in many of Reform UK’s policy positions / ideas, and they are usually driven by populist ideals that many in universities abhor, it does not mean they all lack merit.
Universities are frequently out of touch with the views of their wider local communities. And there is an evident need to challenge what business models many of these institutions have fallen into.
The government does need to encourage more young people into practical trades and professions, and some universities could play a central role in supporting such a policy. Instead of serving the needs of their communities, many universities have become bloated in size and rudderless in purpose. The two-year degree is another good idea but will inevitably be resisted by many university staff and decision-makers. They are emotionally attached to the current academic calendar, which is inefficient, archaic, and often not suited to the needs and finances of students.
Change in universities is too often resisted. Critics inside the system may dismiss efficiency improvements as ‘marketisation’. Competitive provision and a focus on offering value-for-money to students and taxpayers do not mean that universities cannot also contribute to the public good.
In international operations, universities must get their houses in order. Compliance is not optional. The Home Office’s new red-amber-green banding system – governing maximum visa refusal, enrolment, and course completion rates – sends a strong message to universities on the importance of quality practices in the recruitment and teaching of international students. Many universities have not taken compliance seriously enough in the past or have sought to exploit unsustainable loopholes, illustrated by the focus of some institutions on pushing high volume enrolments for their MRes courses.
Financial risk also needs to be managed. Overstretch has been common and this is already hitting home in many institutions, as highlighted by the University of Nottingham’s swingeing job losses and programme cuts. Leaner operations are painful but are essential to survival. That reality is here now, not only via a future theoretical threat posed by a Reform UK government in 2-3 years’ time.
Calmer times at the University of Nottingham
As they refocus, the UK’s higher education institutions need to reconsider their offer in all the markets and communities in which they are active. What value universities deliver, and how well they deliver it, should be front and centre of management debate and measurement. Growth at many universities has not been underpinned by a focus on what they are good at. Or, as importantly, what their core audiences – whether locally, nationally or internationally – need them to be good at.
Appealing to everyone, everywhere, and at the same time, is not a viable strategy. Reform UK’s own blinkered approach to politics is, unfortunately, often effective because it recognises that fact. Farage knows who his audience is and has found a way to engage with it. Many universities need to have fewer core priorities and reinvent themselves accordingly.
To succeed in the long run, the sector will need to address its (often self-inflicted) problems with much greater depth and rigour than the Reform UK populists seem capable of. In the quest for success, relevance or survival, a compelling strategy, strong management, and focused delivery are of equal importance. Whether universities are motivated by fear of a future Reform UK government, or other more immediate factors, this is a time for change.
